By Dr Tarh Ntantang
ABSTRACT
This article interrogates the phenomenon of democratic backsliding in Cameroon under the long-standing presidency of Paul Biya. It advances the central argument that the Cameroonian political system has gradually evolved into a quasi-monarchical order characterised by extreme centralisation of authority, erosion of institutional autonomy, and the personalisation of power. Drawing on secondary literature, governance reports, and recent political developments, the article examines how constitutional manipulation, patronage networks, electoral control, and administrative centralisation have facilitated this transformation. The article contends that while Cameroon retains the former architecture of a republic, its operational logic increasingly mirrors that of a monarchical system. The implications for governance, legitimacy, and political stability are critically assessed.
INTRODUCTION
The late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries have witnessed what scholars describe as democratic backsliding-the gradual erosion of democratic norms, institutions, and practices within formally democratic regimes. In Africa, this phenomenon often manifests as constitutional manipulation, electoral authoritarianism, and the personalisation of state power. Cameroon under Paul Biya is a paradigmatic case.
Since assuming power in 1982, Biya has presided over one of the longest continuous political reigns in contemporary global politics. His tenure, spanning four decades, raises critical questions about the nature of political authority in Cameroon: Is the country still a republic in substance, or has it transitioned into a de facto monarchy?
CONCEPTUALIZING DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING AND NEO-MONARCHICAL RULE
Democratic backsliding refers to the incremental weakening of democratic institutions, such as free elections, judicial independence, and civil liberties. Unlike abrupt authoritarian takeovers, it occurs gradually and often under the veneer of legality. Two glaring examples of this governance system in Africa are Togo and Gabon, both featuring father-son rule.
A neo-monarchical system, in this context, does not imply hereditary succession in the strict sense, but rather the personalisation of power around a single ruler, the subordination of institutions to executive authority, the use of patronage and loyalty networks, and the absence of political competition. Cameroon increasingly exhibits these characteristics, positioning it within the spectrum of hybrid regimes, neither fully democratic nor overtly autocratic. fully democratic nor overtly autocratic.
HISTORICAL TRAJECTORY OF POWER CONSOLIDATION
Following independence in 1960 and the presidency of Amadou Ahidjo, Cameroon transitioned to Biya’s leadership in 1982. The early 1990s saw the introduction of multiparty politics under domestic and international pressure, but these reforms did not fundamentally alter the distribution of power.
Instead, political liberalisation was carefully managed to preserve executive dominance. Elections became periodic rituals rather than mechanisms of accountability. As recent analyses note, elections in Cameroon “have repeatedly failed to advance democratisation,” reinforcing entrenched power structures rather than challenging them.
INSTITUTIONAL EROSION AND EXECUTIVE DOMINANCE
A defining feature of Cameroon’s political system is the systematic weakening of state institutions. The legislature and the senate lack autonomy and function largely as instruments of elite accommodation rather than for democratic oversight. The judiciary, including the constitutional council, is effectively controlled through presidential appointments, while electoral bodies lack independence, undermining the credibility of elections. This concentration of authority aligns with monarchical governance, in which institutions exist but derive legitimacy and power from the ruler rather than from constitutional independence.than from constitutional independence.
PATRONAGE, CLIENTELISM, AND THE POLITICS OF LOYALTY.
The durability of Biya’s regime is deeply rooted in authoritarian clientelism. Political elites are embedded in vast patronage networks that secure loyalty in exchange for access to state resources. Scholarly analyses highlight that administrative officials, governors, and local authorities are appointed directly by the president, creating a hierarchical chain of dependence. The Cameroonian governance system mirrors feudal arrangements, in which authority flows downward from a central sovereign, reinforcing a quasi-monarchical structure. Moreover, the ruling party, the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), functions less as a competitive political organisation and more as an extension of presidential authority.
CONSTITUTIONAL ENGINEERING AND THE PERSONALIZATION OF POWER
Constitutional manipulation has been central to the consolidation of executive power. On April 10, 2008, the National Assembly voted to amend the constitution, removing presidential term limits and enabling indefinite tenure. This eliminated the two-term limits previously established in 1996, which had allowed Biya to run for re-election. The proposed change was a major catalyst for violent nationwide protests in February 2008. Legal frameworks governing elections also favour the incumbent, while recent constitutional amendments in March 2026 have strengthened presidential control over succession mechanisms. A striking example is the reintroduction of a vice-presidential role appointed directly by the president. Political pundits argue that it replaces electoral legitimacy with executive discretion and resembles monarchical succession planning. Such reforms underscore the shift from institutional governance to personalised rule.
ELECTORAL AUTHORITARIANISM AND DEMOCRATIC RITUALISM
Cameroon maintains the formal trappings of democracy, including regular elections, political parties, and constitutional processes. However, these largely function as “democratic rituals” rather than genuine mechanisms of political competition.
Analysts note the following from previous elections: low voter confidence and participation, allegations of electoral fraud and repression, and the fragmentation and marginalisation of opposition parties. The 2025 presidential election, which extended Biya’s rule beyond four decades, exemplifies this pattern, reinforcing what scholars describe as “democratic fatigue” among citizens.
CENTRALIZATION AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONTROL
Cameroon’s administrative structure further entrenches presidential dominance. Regional governors and local administrators are centrally appointed, decentralisation policies remain largely symbolic, and local governance structures are subordinated to national executive authority. This centralisation eliminates alternative power centres, a hallmark of monarchical governance systems where authority radiates from a singular locus.
CRISIS, LEGITIMACY, AND THE LIMITS OF THE SYSTEM.
The consequences of democratic backsliding are evident in Cameroon’s ongoing Anglophone conflict. The conflict has displaced hundreds of thousands of people and left many civilians, government forces, and non-state armed groups dead. It has exposed governance failures over the past nine years. There are also widespread perceptions of pervasive corruption and inequality, alongside youth disenfranchisement, unemployment, and declining trust in democratic institutions. These crises highlight the fragility of a system that prioritises regime survival over institutional resilience. over institutional resilience.
CAMEROON AS A NEO-MONARCHICAL REPUBLIC
While Cameroon remains a republic under its constitution, its political reality reflects key features of monarchical rule: the personalisation of power, a weak opposition, executive dominance, and de facto control of succession. This duality creates what may be termed a “monarchical republic” – a system in which republican institutions exist but are subordinated to a central ruler.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the case of Biya’s Cameroon illustrates the subtle yet profound nature of democratic backsliding. Through a combination of institutional erosion, constitutional engineering, and patronage politics, the Cameroonian state has evolved into a system that closely resembles monarchical governance. This transformation raises broader questions about the future of democracy in Africa and the resilience of political institutions in the face of entrenched leadership. Without substantive reforms, particularly in electoral integrity, judicial independence, and decentralisation, Cameroon risks further entrenching authoritarian rule under the guise of constitutional legality.
Dr Tarh Ntantang is the founder/CEO OF NTANTANG RESEARCH AND CONSULTING CENTER (NRCC), Yaounde, Cameroon. He is a global policy expert and practitioner in democracy support, peacebuilding, and governance, with over a decade of experience across Africa. He holds a doctorate in political economy and international affairs from the University of Yaounde 1. He is also a certified climate migration scholar at York University, Toronto, Canada.
